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Supreme Moment for the Court
by Mary Jo Anderson
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The retirement of
Justice Sandra Day O’Connor catapults the nation into an open battle
over the mission and purpose of the
United States Supreme Court. At stake are not only key social and
moral points of law, such as the definition of marriage, but the
entire structure of the “American Experiment.”
America was
originally settled in the 1500-1700s as territories of France and
Spain or colonies of England. Eventually the French and Spanish
settlements were bought or subsumed into the predominately Protestant
English administered lands. The majority of English newcomers sought
both political and economic freedom. England of the late 1600s roiled
with questions of personal and religious freedom, the responsibilities
and powers of the King, and the rights of citizens in relation to the
King/State.
With one eye on
England and the other on the frontier, the founding citizens of the
colonies were shaped by, and beneficiaries of, the English struggle
to confine royal power, excesses of the crown, and emerging ideas of
individual liberty. The English legal tradition had been developing
since 1215 when King John, forced by his own barons, signed the
Magna Carta, a foundational document for political and personal
freedom.
The
Magna Carta binds the King and his heirs “forever” to the same law
that governs all men of the realm—in effect, not even the King was
above the law, though the King and his advisors were responsible for
making law. The Magna Carta outlines essential rights and
liberties that cannot be abrogated by rulers. How can any law of the
realm be above even the king? Where did such and idea come from—that
absolute power cannot and does not rest on a king?
This is a crucial question by which we in the
Western Tradition define our societies, our very civilization. Is Man
a mere subject of king or tyrant? Is the life of the individual person
worth no more than a cruel despot (Saddam Hussein) or pompous Emperor
(Nero) declares it to be? Is the State (Nazi Germany, Soviet Union)
all powerful?
The preamble to the Magna Carta states
clearly how it is that the King (or any ruler) is himself a subject.
The famous document opens with this statement:
“John, by the
grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Normandy and
Aquitaine, and count of Anjou,…. Know that, having regard to God
and for the salvation of our soul, and those of all our ancestors
and heirs, and unto the honor of God and the advancement of his
holy Church and for the rectifying of our realm….(emphasis
added)” Clearly the king sets his authority under and subject to the
authority of God who is the Maker of all things, including the souls
of men.
Englishmen
colonists established their communities in the New World with the
understanding that God held even the designated ruler accountable to a
law that is above any law made by men. The United States Constitution
is in direct lineage of the Magna Carta, one of the pillars of Western
Legal Tradition. The Magna Carta in turn is informed by Christian
teaching and scriptural imperatives.
During the late
1700s the delegates who drafted the U.S. constitution, relied on
English common law as it had evolved from Magna Carta. Thus, the
Founding Fathers of the United States of America knew and intended
that the laws of the new Republic would acknowledge God and Natural
Law—that is, the Law that precedes and accompanies Man due to his
status as a creature made in the image of God. That acknowledgment
protected citizens from an abusive state or party by circumscribing
the limits of human power.
The
Founders were also savvy—men of intelligence and experience, they
understood theirs to be an “experiment” in liberty and
self-governance. These men of history were not all of one mind, nor of
one faith. There was surely a “pluralism” then as now. Because of
their pluralist viewpoints and with a profound distrust of unchecked
power these wise men designed a system whereby one branch of
government “checked” the others through the exercise of its own
specified powers. As long as each branch, the Executive (president and
administration), the Legislative (makes law) and the Judiciary
(interprets law) works within its delegated power, a balance of power
is maintained.
The shared
vision of most of the signers of the Constitution were for a
limited national government, leaving to the people and their
communities the more intimate questions of life, liberty and the
pursuit (not promise!) of happiness. In this deliberate limitation
they created a superior sovereignty for the people, superior to that
of the British system as it had evolved since 1215 A.D.
At this juncture
in United States history we are confronted with a Judiciary that has
run amok. The Supreme Court has over stepped its specified powers. The
result is an imbalance among the three branches of government as
outlined in the Constitution. This is most readily seen in recent
cases whereby the Court has made law rather than to interpret
laws made by Congress as representatives of the people. This is a
very real threat to our liberties under the Constitution that
carefully limited the powers of the three branches of government.
The Court is
unelected. It does not represent the people in a direct manner though
its determinations affect the life of every citizen. You cannot
phone, fax or email “your” justice and tell him or her your views.
Because the members of the Supreme Court are not elected, they are
free from having to campaign for office and thus, in theory, they are
free from political intrigue, bribes and kickbacks. This is meant to
insure that the interpretation of law is based on the law, not
political pressure. But this provision also insulates justices from
public pressure--meaning you and me and our neighbors. Your primary
relationship with the government is through your congressman and
senators. You elect these men and women to directly represent you (and
your views) to the branches of government.
The election of
2004 sent a majority of conservative representatives to Washington.
That same election returned George W. Bush to the presidency partly on
his promise to nominate to the Supreme Court only those candidates who
would be “strict constructionists.” What does that mean? It describes
a manner of approaching the Constitution as a set document whose
principles must be applied to all law. A liberal or “progressive” view
espoused by some politicians and pundits is that the Constitution is a
“fluid” document that can and should change with the times.
Under that ruse,
any liberty may be discarded, and any new “law” can be imposed, even a
law that violates the clear provisions of the Constitution. Such is
the case with Kelo v. New London where the Court deprived citizens of
the right to private property (wherever a city chose to confiscate
property for private development that would increase the city’s tax
base.) Such is the case with Roe and Casey (the “abortion” decisions)
where the Court “found” new rights to take the life of an unborn baby
—a “right” nowhere given by the Constitution.
In each case the
Constitution was violated. This sort of violation is the reason
Americans sent conservatives to Washington—to insure that new
appointees to the Court are faithful to what is given in the
Constitution as it is written, not as they wish it had been
written. The Supreme Court judges are to interpret law according to
the principles set forth in the Constitution, not according to trends
and political novelties such as “fluid” documents. The very purpose of
a any document is to forestall fluidity and insure specific
provisions against a make-it-up-as-you-go opportunistic assault.
If the
Constitution does not mean what it says, then citizens have no
protection against a small band of tyrannical judges who use their
power to overwhelm the people’s representatives (Congress). Once out
of balance, the United States may find itself hostage to a judicial
tyranny similar to the royal tyranny that our Founders hoped to avoid.
It is a Supreme moment in our history.
Mary Jo Anderson
July 17, 2005
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Mary Jo Anderson is a contributing reporter to WorldNetDaily and a
contributing editor to many Catholic publications, including Crisis
magazine.